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Philip Shaibu: Impeachment Saga Exposes Power Struggle in Edo

On April 8th, 2024, Philip Shaibu, the erstwhile deputy governor of Edo State, was impeached by the state’s House of Assembly.

The official reason – leaking confidential government information in an affidavit supporting a lawsuit filed in Abuja.

However, it was obvious that a deeper conflict fueled by ambition and a fractured relationship between Shaibu and his principal, Governor Godwin Obaseki cumulated in the impeachment saga.

Of course, sharing the official secrets of the government with the public, especially by a public servant, is a weighty offence.

However, it’s only the political novice with little knowledge of how governors and state assembly connive to discard deputy governors whenever they fall out with their principals who would believe the embattled Shaibu was impeached on the single account put forward.

Fractured relationships

Indeed, there are no permanent friends or enemies in politics. The only thing they say is permanent is interest.

Both Philip Shuaibu and Governor Obaseki were very close as the Siamese twins before their interests clashed on the altar of politics, which eventually paved the way for a trailer to pass their middle.

Perhaps the bromance between them would not have turned sour or hit the rock so soon had Shaibu not declared his intention to succeed Obaseki, who apparently had a different candidate.

Since the declaration, however, Edo State’s political landscape has witnessed a series of drama between the duo.

Political analysts suggest Shaibu’s overstepping boundaries may have contributed to his eventual downfall.

They say he behaved as if he was the one on the saddle, whereas he was not.

They give an instance of how he conducted his party’s gubernatorial primary election in his house and at different times publicly downplayed Governor Obaseki’s role; saying without him, there wouldn’t be the latter.

Endless tussles

What is playing out in Edo State is not outrightly surprising as power tussles between Nigerian governors and their deputies have been the order of the day since the return of Democracy in 1999.

It’s stated clearly in Section 187 (1) of the 1999 Constitution that the governors must have deputies. But the duo have continuously bored Nigerians with their clash over perhaps avoidable issues.

The governors have always come out unscathed whenever they enter the ring with their deputies, though.

Political analysts say it is so because, unlike governors, the 1999 Constitution expressly assigns limited power to the deputies.

In addition, they say the governors control the state resources as well as the legislatures and use them against the deputy governors whenever their interests clash.

There are clear examples of how Governor Seyi Makinde’s deputy, Rauf Olaniyan, the late Former Governor Rotimi’s deputy, Agboola Ajayi, and former Governor Yahaya Bello’s deputy, Simon Achuba, were impeached by their states’ house assemblies after they fell out with their principals.

According to The Nation, on April 9, 2024, 17 deputy governors have been impeached since 1999.

Before ex-Deputy Governor Philip Shaibu’s impeachment, a Federal High Court in Abuja had deferred the hearing of a suit he filed to discontinue his impeachment process by the Edo State House of Assembly till April 15.

And now that he has been impeached, he described the process as ‘illegal’ and said he would seek redress at the court.

Urgent Constitutional reforms

Meanwhile, analysts have inquired why the deputy governor’s office was created by Section 187 (1) of the 1999 Constitution if the governors are so powerful that they could secretly facilitate the impeachment of its occupants whenever they deem fit.

They urge the appropriate authorities to review the section of the Constitution which gives the governors the power they wield and ensures the deputy governors’ office is protected.

Some of the reforms that may be considered include; establishing a higher threshold for impeachment charges and requiring an independent body to review accusations before the legislature votes.

Currently, deputy governors have no direct legislative power. Amending the constitution to grant them a seat (without voting rights) in the state assembly could provide them with a platform to voice their opinions and participate in legislative debates.

Presently, Deputies often rely on the governor for resources. Granting them a separate budget allocation for their office staff and operations would ensure some level of financial independence

Shaibu has challenged his impeachment in court, joining the ranks of other impeached deputies who sought legal redress.

While few have been reinstated, a court victory could set a precedent and force a reevaluation of the impeachment process.

The outcome of Shaibu’s case, coupled with potential constitutional reforms, could determine the future of the deputy governor’s role in Nigeria.

Will it remain a docile position or can it be strengthened to ensure stability and accountability within state governments? Only time will tell.

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